Macroeconomics · Intermediate · 55 min
Preview — Section 1
You wake before dawn in Washington. The radiator hisses. On your desk sits a memorandum from the Bureau of Labor Statistics: unemployment has reached 24.9 percent. One in four American workers has no job. Not temporarily laid off. Not between positions. Simply without work, without income, without prospects.
This is not a new crisis. It has been four years since the stock market collapsed in October 1929. Four years during which the economy was supposed to heal itself. Instead, U.S. GDP has fallen roughly 30 percent from its 1929 peak. Thousands of banks have failed. Farmers are burning crops because prices have collapsed so far that harvesting costs more than selling. In the cities, men in suits stand in breadlines.
The President's economic advisors have been consistent. The logic is clean and well-established: government budgets must be balanced, just as any household must live within its means. Prices and wages will eventually fall to their natural levels. Businesses will find it profitable to hire again. The market will clear. You simply have to wait.
Hoover followed this advice. He signed the Revenue Act of 1932, raising the top income tax rate from 25 percent to 63 percent to close the deficit. The economy did not recover. It contracted further.
Now a new president, Franklin Roosevelt, has taken office. He is being advised by a different faction, people who argue that the government should borrow money and spend it directly into the economy: building dams, hiring workers, funding relief programs. The deficit will grow. The national debt will rise. But millions of people will have wages to spend, and that spending might pull the economy out of its spiral.
You have to advise the administration. Two options sit in front of you:
Option A: Maintain fiscal discipline. Balance the budget. Allow wages and prices to fall further until markets clear and private investment returns naturally. The pain is real, but interference will only delay the inevitable correction and saddle future generations with debt.
Option B: Run a significant deficit. Have the federal government borrow and spend on public works, employment programs, and relief. Accept that the debt will grow, betting that the spending will generate enough economic activity to eventually restore tax revenues and justify the gamble.
Both options have serious people behind them. Both have consequences you cannot fully predict. The decision cannot wait.
It is October 1933. You are sitting across from Franklin Roosevelt's transition team. Unemployment stands at 24.9 percent. For four years, the federal government followed the advice of Treasury Secretary Andrew Mellon, who urged Hoover to 'liquidate labor, liquidate stocks, liquidate the farmers.' Hoover raised taxes in 1932 to balance the budget. The economy shrank further. Now Roosevelt's team is asking you directly: should the new administration borrow money and spend it on public works, or hold the line on the deficit and let wages and prices finish their adjustment? Your gut, before any theory: what do you tell them?
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